The Haitian transition led by the Transitional Presidential Council (CPT), composed of nine advisors, will remain one of the most confusing and reviled moments in the country’s recent political history, particularly in the context of the political succession born from the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse on the night of July 6-7, 2021, at his official residence in Pèlerin.
Upon his death, power devolved to Ariel Henry, who had been appointed before the tragedy but not yet installed by the late president. He found himself at the head of an executive combining both the functions of president and prime minister.
In popular cynical humor, he was then referred to as “King Ariel,” the sole master on board.
An exceptional moment, born from a deep crisis.
An Atypical Transition, a Collective Failure
This atypical transition was not only a failure against gangs but also against economic collapse and chronic insecurity.
Above all, it failed due to a deficiency in human and political resources: the inability of leaders to govern in any way other than through permanent confrontation.
The advisor-presidents engaged in constant conflicts and dishonorable tactics to weaken the Prime Ministers. The Prime Ministers, for their part, attempted to destabilize the advisors to regain the privileges of the Ariel Henry era, when a single man governed the state.
Conille against the CPT: Through his blunders and his desire to overthrow the CPT, he miserably failed and made errors due to his political immaturity.
If such was the manifest plan of former Prime Minister Garry Conille, he remained grounded from his previous political takeoff. But this failure is not a new setback. He persisted in error. Already, when he was Prime Minister under President Michel Martelly, Conille had adopted the same attitude:
- duels of press releases,
- exchanges of conflicting correspondence,
- tensions with the Presidency,
- diplomatic frictions, particularly with the
Dominican Republic.
Under the transition, he simply replicated this pattern.
From his installation, he chose to govern against the CPT rather than with it. Instead of building trust, he fostered:
- suspicion,
- rivalry,
- a war of press releases,
- corridor diplomacy.
The BNC’s 100 Million Gourdes Scandal: A Failed Maneuver
The crisis linked to corruption accusations targeting Gérald Gilles, Emmanuel Vertilaire, and Smith Augustin, concerning the BNC’s 100 million gourdes file, could have been a moment of truth for the state.
It became a failed political maneuver.
Instead of cleaning up, Conille weakened. Instead of clarifying, he instrumentalized. Voices denounced the instrumentalization of the ULCC. Instead of uniting, Conille divided.
The CPT remained standing. Conille fell into discredit. And he ended up being sidelined, with the support of an international community weary of his repeated conflicts and his disconnect from the transition’s agenda.
Disordered Diplomacy
Conille was long presented as “the UN man,” with solid networks. The reality is harsher: never has Haiti been so poorly represented despite so many contacts. His proximity to the inexperienced Minister Dominique Dupuy did not help. It fueled suspicions and weakened diplomatic credibility.
The Dominican Fiasco
With the Dominican Republic, Conille did not defuse tensions. He exacerbated them, just as he did during his first stint at the Prime Minister’s Office.
- No clear strategy.
- No effective mediation.
- No regional leadership.
Only tensions and closing doors. In chanceries, he was perceived as: fragile, nervous, and politically isolated.
Didier Fils-Aimé: Governing Without a Fuss
Conversely, Alix Didier Fils-Aimé understood an essential rule: He who shouts loses. He who waits survives.
Even amidst the worst tensions—particularly concerning the Rameau Normil case—he knew when to yield.
Even in the face of Fritz Jean’s open hostility, he chose the long game, negotiation with other advisors, and tactical retreat.
The Security Strategy: Imposing Without Exposing
Unlike Conille, Didier Fils-Aimé knew how to wage his political battles. In the PNH case, he implemented a progressive strategy:
- to impose Mario Andrésol,
- then to consolidate Vladimir Paraison’s position today.
This consolidation occurred the day after Laurent Saint-Cyr’s installation as President of the CPT, at the end of Fritz A. Jean’s mandate.
Why the International Community Preferred Him
In an environment saturated with scandals and crises, Didier Fils-Aimé appeared: calm, predictable, polite, controlled.
In short: reassuring.
The international community was looking for a stable interlocutor.
Conille offered speeches. Didier offers the profile of stability.
But the Hour of Truth Approaches
Today, Didier Fils-Aimé benefits from:
- diplomatic capital,
- political support,
- international tolerance.
But this patience is not eternal. He now bears alone:
- the failures,
- the delays,
- the unkept promises.
The hand that supports is also the one that sanctions.
The “Dauphin King Didier” Faces History
Like Ariel Henry before him, Didier Fils-Aimé today enjoys concentrated power.
Comedians are already talking about “King Didier.” But the question remains: Will he succeed where others have failed? Will he be able to transform stability into results?
Flexibility led him to the top. Only effectiveness will allow him to stay there.
Brigitte Benshow
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