This editorial series intentionally takes the risk of being provocative: it questions differently, dares to shift the perspective, and debates truths rarely voiced in mainstream discourse.
In 2025, the international community claimed it wanted to help Haiti escape its security, political, and humanitarian deadlock. Official rhetoric invokes the fight against corruption and the restoration of the Rule of Law. However, a close examination of the facts reveals profound inconsistencies that have become a standard mode of managing the Haitian crisis, further weakening a country already on its knees.
Denied Interference, Assumed Influence Diplomats in Haiti repeatedly claim there is no interference in internal affairs. Yet, public statements from certain ambassadors regarding governance and justice regularly cross the lines established by the Vienna Convention. Who are the true masters of the Haitian transition? Who designed and imposed this atypical governance structure, contested since day one? The answer is not found solely in Port-au-Prince.
The ULCC Case: Internal Denunciations vs. External Pressure The case of the Anti-Corruption Unit (ULCC) vividly illustrates this drift. While diverse sectors of society denounce the maneuvers of Director General Hans Joseph, several influential diplomats have pressured for him to remain in office after five years without any transparent evaluation or audit. How can partners who preach institutional independence interfere to protect a contested leadership without requiring accountability?
International Sanctions: Bypassing the Rule of Law From 2022 to 2025, several countries imposed sanctions on Haitian political and economic figures based on “suspicions.” Yet, these same countries—historical partners in strengthening Haiti’s justice system—have never officially shared the evidence required for national courts to prosecute these individuals. Sanctions are handed down without judicial verdicts or the possibility of defense. Furthermore, while sanctions hit the economic elite, their impact on gang leaders remains questionable, as these criminals rarely rely on formal banking systems or foreign visas.
The Security Mission: Between Promises and Disillusionment The Multinational Security Support Mission (MSSM), authorized in 2023, has struggled to reach even half of its projected 2,500 personnel. While it has provided diplomatic benefits for Kenyan President William Ruto and political leverage for Dominican President Luis Abinader, its effectiveness on the ground is highly controversial. Since the mission’s arrival, “lost territories” have actually increased.
Helping Haiti While Repelling Haitians A major inconsistency remains: migration policy. The U.S., the Dominican Republic, and CARICOM nations claim they want to help Haiti while carrying out mass deportations, including pregnant women and children. Do Ukrainians possess more human virtues than Haitians?
Conclusion Haiti needs consistency, respect, and shared responsibility. The resolution of the crisis must ultimately come from Haitians themselves. This series will continue by examining the record of the Transitional Presidential Council (CPT) and the Prime Minister’s Office as we approach February 7, 2026.
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