Towards elections in Haiti: flaws in the Dermalog-ONI system, controversial CEP spending, and a lack of consensus

Since 2021, Haiti has sunk into a deep institutional crisis. The absence of elections under Jovenel Moïse’s presidency, followed by his assassination in July 2021, plunged the country into an endless political transition, marked by an institutional vacuum and fragile governance.

Today, holding elections is one of the main commitments of the transition. In the roadmap of the single-headed executive led since February 7 by Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, two priorities dominate: security and the organization of elections.

While Haitian authorities and the international community increase calls and investments for the vote, serious questions are emerging regarding the reliability of the electoral machinery.

Between the flaws denounced in the national identification system managed by the National Identification Office (ONI), the budgetary choices of the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP), and the rush to register political parties, several observers are already speaking of a process launched without an audit or true political consensus.

6 million cards according to the ONI: a reassuring figure… or a worrying one?

The National Identification Office (ONI) claims to have made significant progress in the national registry. According to ONI Director Reynold Guerrier, more than 6 million citizens were registered as of October 2025, a figure presented as proof that the identification system is ready to support the upcoming elections.

But behind this statistic, several institutions, particularly in the banking sector, have reported flaws in identity verification. In some cases, according to internal alerts, the person on the card does not always match the one registered in the computer system.

These concerns revive criticisms surrounding the Dermalog card system, already denounced for: the perceived low material quality of the cards; the risks of identity theft; the lack of an independent audit of the national registry.

The Dermalog contract had already sparked sharp controversy. At the time, former Artibonite senator Youry Latortue denounced what he considered a contract tainted by corruption and political manipulation, mentioning Martine Moïse’s involvement in the matter.

Latortue had asked the ULCC to open a thorough investigation into this contract. But according to his critics, the anti-corruption institution never followed up on this request, preferring instead to open an investigation into a mortgage taken from the ONA (National Old-Age Insurance Office) by the former Senator of Artibonite.

Meanwhile, the director general of the ULCC, Hans Joseph, founder of the Expertus law firm, is also indirectly involved in the defense of Martine Moïse in the case of President Jovenel Moïse’s assassination.

For several observers, these overlapping interests further fuel suspicions surrounding the electoral identification system.

An electoral budget already under fire

While these doubts persist, the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) continues preparations for the elections. This progress comes as some political parties had signed a National Pact for security and elections, aimed notably at strengthening the legitimacy of Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé and fostering political consensus around the electoral process.

However, according to the latest CEP budget that the Council sent to international partners on the elections and which our editorial staff was able to review, several spending lines are already raising questions.

Major planned expenditures

• Establishment and operation of polling stations: $29,249,148

• Acquisition of electoral material: $25,400,765

• Communication, awareness, and civic education: $18,279,364

• Securing the electoral process: $16,680,107

• Training of electoral personnel: $15,805,814

• Voter registration: $12,340,844

• Vote tabulation center: $11,325,711

• Diaspora voting: $8,185,185

Specific expenditures

• Per diems: $3,364,000

• Purchase of vehicles for Departmental Electoral Offices: $1,870,814

• Production and distribution of the electoral decree: $1,629,629

• T-shirts and promotional materials: $1,164,444

• Vehicle rental for journalist capacity building: $586,666

In a country plunged into a major economic and security crisis, these amounts raise many questions about the management and transparency of public resources.

What then is the Haitian state’s budget for the elections? How is Haiti’s basket fund at the UN for the elections monitored, given that this basket fund is managed by the UNDP and UNOPS? Who authorizes the expenditures? What is the total amount of expenditures already made?

Training sessions deemed selective

Another subject of controversy: the training and awareness sessions organized by the CEP for the media. According to several sources in the press sector, many important and influential media outlets were reportedly excluded from these initiatives.

Some journalists denounce a selective and opaque process, suggesting possible favoritism in the choice of media partners. At the center of these criticisms is notably the management of the CEP, with which Jacques Desrosiers and other Councilors still under the influence of former Presidential Councilors of the CPT are associated.

A rush surrounding political parties

At the same time, the CEP is accelerating other steps of the process: the registration of political parties, followed by that of political platforms. It should be noted that these fragmented and repetitive steps lead to more fund outflows.

Several political actors denounce an initiative launched without real national consultation, while the security situation remains extremely fragile.

Despite their reservations, many political parties have decided to register, fearing exclusion from the process if, by some impossible chance, the elections are organized in compliance with the already published calendar.

According to some political sources, the members of the CEP appointed in two phases by the former Transitional Presidential Council are reportedly accelerating the electoral machinery to make any change to the Council’s composition difficult.

Signatories of the National Pact for security and elections have also denounced this rush.

A central question: who is actually auditing the electoral machinery?

At the heart of the concerns is a major question: who really controls the reliability of the electoral process? Several analysts point to the absence of an element essential: an independent audit of the electoral machinery. Without an audit of:

– the ONI national registry,

– the Dermalog identification system,

– the electoral budget,

– and the functioning of the CEP,

– and especially the expenditures made by the CEP under the umbrella of the UNDP,

the credibility of the upcoming elections could be seriously compromised.

Towards non-credible elections?

Beyond the figures and official announcements, the real question remains one of trust. In a country marked by political instability, insecurity, and repeated electoral crises, the lack of transparency and consensus could pave the way for contested elections, fueling accusations of electoral fraud and widespread corruption.

Without reforms, without an audit, and without inclusive political dialogue, the risk is real: that of seeing Haiti enter a new cycle of post-electoral crises.

Brigitte Benshow